January 1, 2022
Dear Readers,
Last month, I dealt with some critical matters concerning our nation. First is the proper understanding of India’s poverty index. Poverty in India is diverse and complex and for years, we have neglected the human factors while assessing development programmes. The marginalised need to be viewed in a new perspective and we have to strive hard to achieve our goal of a poverty-free India.
My second article deals with the killings of civilians in Nagaland. We ought to look at Northeast India rationally for the betterment of its people.
The third piece deals with farmers’ issues as we welcome the repeal of farm laws after a year-long struggle by the farmers of Haryana, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh. We can do wonders on the agricultural front provided we keep our minds open for tomorrow’s challenges; but this demands better quality of leaders who are able to think about farmers’ well-being.
Lastly, I discuss the growing signs of intolerance in emerging modern India. Self-destructive religious fanaticism needs to be kept under check. The challenge before us is to develop a deeper understanding of freedom and democracy. The key to this is the right type of political dharma to make people more dynamic and forward-looking.
As we bid good-bye to yet another Covid-19 struck year, let us welcome 2022 with a new hope for a better tomorrow. I wish you all a more cheerful and healthy 2022.
Sincerely,
Hari Jaisingh
Understanding India’s poverty and development
If riches are God’s gift, what then is poverty? Gods’s wrath? A matter of destiny? Indian poverty is as much man-made as it is made in heaven. It is as much the product of planning follies as it is of mental attitudes. It is as much based on feudal exploitation as it is on the system’s biases. It is as much the economist’s nightmare as a matter of resource crunch. It is as much a numbers game as it is the politician’s game of trickery, deceit and treachery.
Poverty may be made in heaven but it is processed and reproduced right here. The marketing of poverty has been one of the most engaging occupations for several decades, with or without packaging in its naked rawness.
Looking critically at the process of poverty and development in a scam-ridden India, poverty can no longer be seen in isolation of hunger or denial of food. The Global Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) – developed in 2010 by Oxford Poverty & Human Development Initiative (OPHI) and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) – seeks to measure poverty across its multiple dimensions of health, education and standard of living. These dimensions, in turn, are represented by 12 indicators, namely, nutrition, child and adolescent mortality, maternal health, years of schooling, school attendance, cooking fuel, sanitation, drinking water, electricity, housing, assets and bank account.
Economist and the Vice Chairman of NITI Aayog, Rajiv Kumar, says:
“The development of the National Multidimensional Poverty Index of India is an important contribution towards instituting a public policy tool which monitors multidimensional poverty, informs evidence-based and focused interventions, thereby ensuring that no one is left behind.”
From the baseline report, prepared by NITI Aayog, it is evident from India’s MPI that poverty is diverse and complex. Kerala, at 0.71 percent, stands out with the lowest percentage of population being multidimensionally poor, with 9 of its 14 districts having poverty ratio of less than 1 percent; Kottayam district does not have a single poor person. At the other end of the spectrum is Bihar, which, at 51.91 percent, has the highest proportion of people who are multidimensionally poor. In West Bengal, which has an MPI of 21.43 percent, Purulia district had the highest multidimensional poverty ratio at 49.69 percent, while Kolkata had the lowest in the state at 2.8 percent.
With development policies, as practiced over the years, the alleviation of poverty has been lopsided. Policies have to truthfully reflect the priorities that the common people identify as their daily challenges and concerns. The utter neglect of the human factors in most development programmes were once underlined by Swedish economist and sociologist, Karl Gunnar Myrdal. Myrdal states:
"Countries are underdeveloped because most of their people are underdeveloped, having had no opportunity of expanding their potential capital in the service of society."
The potential for development, active participation of decentralised, democratic, representative Panchayat bodies is greater than is recognised by the erstwhile plan documents. Apart from being the prime instrument of decentralisation and development at the grassroots level, Panchayats assume further importance because of two factors: (i) the need to contain the relentless demographic pressures in India, and (ii) the necessity to optimise the scare resources for development. Kerala is the only state where demographic pressure has been contained and the infant mortality rate brought down considerably.
The challenges before the nation are not so simple. The concept of poverty, democracy and development have to be evolved for the needs of the marginalised. For this, it is important to explore appropriate institutional avenues for new challenges and sensitivities.
It may be recalled that in his final address to the Constituent Assembly, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar underlined the importance of the trinity – political, social and economic democracy and ambience of liberty, equality and fraternity. About economic democracy, political democracy has opened a Pandora’s box of restlessness and turmoil leading to a revolution of rising expectations. As we invest in ending poverty, we have to face new challenges of investing in grassroots problems. He thus stated:
“On the social plane, we have in India a society based on the principle of graded inequality which means elevation for some and degradation for others. On the economic plane, we have a society in which there are some who have immense wealth as against many who live in abject poverty.”
This can only put political democracy in peril!
The challenge of social and economic inequalities continues even today, with a view to eliminate poverty altogether. This is not a tall order. All that is needed is political will, firm follow-up action, an anti-poverty perspective and reorientation of the system with the sole aim that modern India cannot co-exist with slums, hunger and deprivation of the basic necessities of life of the people.
December 3, 2021
Looking beyond civilian killings in Nagaland
As years roll into history amidst the on-going revolution of rising expectations and the lopsided response system, the people have managed to keep their hopes alive irrespective of the fact whether they happen to be in the glitter zone or the vast varied non-glitter zone of the Indian divide.
Reflecting upon the latest developments in Nagaland, the senseless firing by the security forces that killed 13 civilian in Mon district, underlines the old mindset of the establishment. Public outrage against the killings is understandable. The people and the Nagaland government have, understandably, called for repeal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) of 1958. This has been a long-standing demand in the Northeastern states.
After the incident, Nagaland leaders feel that the Mon killings have the potential to create mistrust in the Indian government and derail the peace process currently underway between the Centre and the Naga insurgents groups.
It may be recalled that AFSPA had its colonial setting. In its original form, it was promulgated by the British during the Quit India Movement. After independence, the Act was retained by Jawaharlal Nehru’s establishment in view of the uncertain atmosphere prevailing at the time.
The AFSPA was imposed on the Northeast states, Jammu & Kashmir (J&K), and Punjab during the militancy years. Later, it was repealed in Punjab, followed by Tripura and Meghalaya. It continues to be in force in Mizoram, Nagaland, Assam, Manipur, J&K and parts of Arunachal Pradesh. This reflects poorly on the ruling authorities’ fixed mindset.
AFSPA is basically draconian in nature as it provides special powers for the armed forces tackling disturbed areas or dangerous conditions under Section 3 of AFSPA. What is disquieting is that it allows the armed forces to open fire, even causing death, against any person in contravention to the law. Blanket impunity is given to the security forces personnel involved in such operations. This cannot be justified. For, we must not forget that we are, after all, dealing with our own people.
In this context, it must be mentioned that in 2000, Manipur activist Irom Chanu Sharmila began a hunger strike against the AFSPA. In 2004, the UPA establishment set up a five-member commission, headed by former Supreme Court Judge B. P. Jeevan Reddy. In its report in 2004, the commission clearly stated that AFSPA has become a symbol of oppression and asked for its repeal. This position was also endorsed later by the Second Administrative Reforms Commission. The Commission, headed by Veerappa Moily, had also sought the repeal of AFSPA. However, this was not to be as various sections of government had differing views on sensitive matters.
The quality of our democratic functioning cannot be upgraded as long as double standards, hypocrisy and doublespeak rule ministerial thinking and action. The vigour of a democratic polity mostly depends on the quality of leadership at all levels. It is no secret that the country’s leadership has fumbled time and again on crucial matters. In the process, it has created in the minds of the people, the image of a spineless body that is seen as a prisoner of its own indecisions and senseless action.
Over a period, the image of self-sacrificing leaders of yesteryears has changed dramatically. May I ask: Do we realise the cost of the blunders of the past? I doubt it. What is important is to see the problems of the Northeast people in totality. Here we muster enough political courage to deal with the problems rationally and politically.
If our leaders at the Centre learn to act rationally and firmly, we can see the Northeast in a new avatar. It is rich in resources but low in density of population. The area has, therefore, attracted outsiders. The British had their own calculations, and wanted to promote their interests. However, we need to look at the entire situation afresh.
Not to take an alarmist view, but every Indian has the right to know what is happening where and towards what purpose. A close look at history will show us how some of our leaders have betrayed the nation’s cause for petty vote bank politics. This ought to have stopped long back.
Politics in India need not to be another story of tragedy that could bring in hope. Today political culture demands reasonable bargaining, adjustment and proper understanding of ground realities. Nagaland and other Northeastern states have to be viewed on a larger socio-economic and political canvas. Against this new setting, we shall be able to properly assess the problems and issues for the betterment of Northeast people. This is absolutely necessary for the larger good of ordinary people.
India needs to march towards modern farming
It is a pity that the country’s ruling establishment allows things to drift as a matter of political convenience, forgetting the basic truth of the polity that negligence of one area leads to neglect of allied areas of importance. Democracy demands strict adherence to basic priorities. However, the moot point is: do we care enough for the basic necessities of people?
It is generally noticed that the practitioners of politics generally build their images on falsehood and misuse power for personal ends. Small wonder the system often crumbles as the ruling class gets busy with the task of minting money. Amidst this somewhat gloomy setting, it is heartening to note a somewhat changed mindset of central leaders in the wake of the year-long historic struggle of Indian farmers at the borders of Delhi.
Mercifully, the struggle of farmers from Haryana, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh has ended with the ruling establishment acceding to the movement’s demands. Had the Prime Minister taken such a decision a year ago, many precious lives could have been saved. But then, this is how the country’s governance gets conducted.
Farmers have signalled that the rural economy cannot be left to the whims and fancies of market leaders. It needs to be acknowledged that farmers’ movement was not an all India struggle. It was mainly confined to the three aforementioned Northern states. They had formidable economic power and could successfully withstand political pressure from varied interest groups.
The farmers were clear about their challenges. They wanted land reforms, investment, right type of technology so as to convert the rural sector into a society of independent producers. This is how the rural economy can emerge as a big force. However, existing ground realities are rather worrying; investment is low and the use of technology is lopsided. Add to that, labourers are not properly trained, nor oriented.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has come out openly for correcting wrong farming practices. He told the farmers to replace the chemical fertilisers and practices that spurted the Green Revolution with concoctions made with the dung and urine of indigenous cows and recommended a research- and knowledge-based shift from chemistry laboratories to nature’s laboratory.
The PM’s message is sharp and clear: go back to nature to sustain farming on new approach and practices. This underlines the need for a mass movement to promote natural farming. Such a step would help India reduce its import bill on artificial fertilisers and help the country march forward towards the goal of self-reliance.
In support of natural agricultural practices, Prime Minister Modi stated:
“We need not only relearn this ancient knowledge of agriculture, but also sharpen it for modern times. In this direction, we have to do new research, mould the ancient knowledge in the modern scientific frame. In this direction, institutions like our ICAR, Krishi Vigyan Kendras, and agricultural universities can play a big role. We do not have to limit the information to research papers and theories only, we have to convert it into a practical success.”
Indeed, we can do wonders on the agricultural front provided we keep our minds open for tomorrow’s challenges. In fact, today’s challenges have to be turned to new opportunities for a better tomorrow.
Professor and Economist M. Kunhaman states that:
“In India, the time is not yet ripe for a minimalist state, given the bearing economic policies have on socio-economic situations and behavioural patterns. However, the states’ response from above, rather than being determined solely by electoral compulsions, must, instead, be predicated on the long-term considerations of sustainability and equity. Such a perspective calls for statesmanship rather than decisions that emanate from fluctuating political reflexes.”
What is however regrettable is the quality of statesmanship in India, which has narrow political angularities rather than lofty vision of ensuring economic security and higher income for farmers.
December 24, 2021
Growing areas of intolerance
It is highly disturbing that emerging modern India is increasingly showing signs of intolerance. Looking back, whatever might be the level of the hurt to the Hindu psyche resulting from socio-economic and political mismanagement of the polity and blind chase for vote bank gains, the majority community has, by and large, denounced the demolition of the Babri Masjid as an affront to the country’s long-cherished tradition of tolerance and secularism. Those not pronouncedly secular were outraged by the deceitful manner the demolition was carried out. Even the BJP and most Hindu organisations have frowned upon the unfortunate demolition at the hands of a couple of hundreds of Hindu zealots who had assembled at Ayodhya for the construction of a Ram temple near the disputed site.
What is more, those who wanted the Babri Masjid to go, were instantly pertinent. Perhaps this somber mood was prompted by their political compulsions. At the same time, the fact remains that no one dared celebrate the outrage. No wonder, even Imam Abdullah Bukhari of the Jama Masjid has thanked his Hindu brethren for compassion in a “moment of grief”.
All this speaks well for India’s basic soundness in the secular tradition, and should therefore help the healing process much faster than feared. Whether this helps to restore the Muslim confidence in the secular polity and corrects the community’s perspective on a Hindu India and real reasons for their own plight remains to be seen.
Still, the damage has been done and the Hindu-Muslim divide has grown much wider than ever before, endangering, once more, some of the basic norms on which the nation’s very foundation rests. Viewed in a larger context, the demolition trauma leaves a big scar on the socio-political structure of India.
The real challenge before the leadership today is to shift the national focus away from self-destructive religious fanaticism to economic reforms half-way. An economic miracle can only be brought about if extremism in thought and action is kept under check and new opportunities for jobs and all round growth are generated for the underprivileged sections of society belonging to all communities. These sections are vulnerable to gangsterism and communal rhetoric.
While the Hindu underclass too requires special attention, it is particularly agonizing to see that the Muslim underclass has been imprisoned in their ghettos by a feudal leadership and the Ulema, cutting them off from the national mainstream.
Under the circumstances, we ought to initiate a comprehensive national debate on all related socio-economic and political issues, including the place of the downtrodden sections of society within an overall national framework. Of course, national realities change fast and a national edifice cannot be constructed on old theories and hackneyed responses.
There has to be fresh thinking on key national issues of secularism and communalism, the state’s role in religious affairs, new parameters of relationship between the majority community and the minorities, increasing fissiparous tendencies and extremism in parts of the country, public accountability of politicians and political groups, growing nexus between muscle and money power and politics.
Related to these issues is the challenge of communications and information flow to build a healthier and better-informed democratic order. The sooner the national leadership grapples with these problems the better. Equally important is to put an end to hate speeches such as the ones heard at Haridwar recently, as also to end vandalism against Christians and Christian symbols as was witnessed in Ambala.
These incidents go against the Hindu cultural ethos, which in its true sense, is meant to be flexible, eclectic and absorptive. In fact, this has been India’s real strength. What is regrettable is that we often see senseless religious use of politics. This has upset the old concepts of secularism and communalism.
Political dharma cannot be viewed in isolation. We need to ensure a viable and harmonious blend of politics and dharma. Political dharma is a live concept with visible and invisible dynamism. Indeed, the right type of political dharma holds the key to our turbulence-free order. This is a potent force for a new understanding of freedom and democracy of our country.
December 31, 2021