June 1, 2021
Dear Readers,
Greetings!
Amidst varied assembly election results from four states and one union territory, one point needs to be highlighted: the BJP duo of PM Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah is no longer invincible. The resounding success of Mamta Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress in West Bengal clearly proves this point. In this context, the future of Indian electoral politics will be interesting to watch.
My second article deals with the reservation policy. Giving its landmark judgment on the proposed Maratha quota in Maharashtra, the Supreme Court has stuck to its 1992 verdict of fixing the reservation limit at 50 percent. This is the right move.
The lowering of guard has led to a massive spread of Covid-19 in its second wave. What is particularly disquieting is the rural spread. Has PM Modi’s establishment failed in its critical on-the-ground healthcare task? The answer is a resounding Yes. The main task ahead now is to develop the healthcare infrastructure both in rural and urban areas. Will PM Modi start the process in right earnest? Fingers crossed!
In a federal democracy such as ours, it is necessary for the Centre and states to work in coordination in vital areas of governance. This is what cooperative federalism demands. Looking at the complex nature of the polity, proper decentralisation of fiscal and administrative power can ensure smooth functioning of the system. Prime Minister Modi should learn to reach out to the opposition CMs to get the desired
results in the fight against the multi-dimensional problems associated with Covid-19.
Thank you.
Sincerely,
Hari Jaisingh
Has Mamata emerged as a credible match for Modi?
One thing that every Indian should note, irrespective of his or her political affiliation, is that the recent state elections has revealed that Mamata Banerjee has emerged as a formidable match for Prime Minister Modi. This is true not only for West Bengal, but for the entire Indian electoral platform.
The image below (source unknown) was popularly shared on social media following the election results. It is a fitting representation of Mamata’s uniqueness in view of the fact that the BJP leadership had set a target of winning at least 200 out of 294 Assembly seats in West Bengal. BJP’s performance has been dismal, with the party failing to even cross the 100-seat mark.
While confidence is arguably a valuable trait, the BJP duo’s1 flamboyant display of overconfidence has contributed to a vast range of issues of the current establishment. In fact, the power-puffed BJP leadership had lately become arrogant, and failed to take note of the ground realities and strength of rival parties. Of course, there is no harm in being ambitious, but to get blinded by an inflated image of the self speaks poorly of the leadership that has even lost a basic sense of decency during the campaign.
Prime Minimster Modi revealed his true colours when he taunted the Bengal CM with his “Didi-o-Didi” dig. In the process, Narendra Modi has given a blow to the country’s federal spirit. PM Modi, and his right hand man, Amit Shah should realise that poll victories cannot be built on the strength of turncoats if the basic infrastructure of the party in the targeted state is shaky.
Moreover, despite a fierce Hindutva push, the BJP failed to retain the level of Hindu support that it had garnered in 2019. This is an indication that the BJP has not understood the psyche of the Bengali Hindu. In Bengal’s politics, there is limited room for unidimensional religious polarisation, a fact that was taken lightly.
Small wonder that the 2021 poll verdict has turned out to be one of the biggest victories of the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC), with over 48 percent of all votes polled. The victory also puts the 66-year-old Mamata Banerjee at the forefront of national politics of tomorrow. Regrettably, Mamata Banerjee’s landmark victory against the BJP in West Bengal has been spoiled by the reckless violent acts of the AITC cadres against BJP supporters in Kolkata and other places. These post-poll violent incidents are said to have claimed fourteen lives in two days. Even the Congress and CPM supporters were the target of AITC leaders.
This is a pity. The leaders should have been gracious and magnanimous in their moments of historic triumph, but unfortunately, they seemed to have lost their sense of responsibility and dignity.
Principles and ideologies once guided Indian politics, election or no election. Even differences among party leaders would invariably be justified on grounds of ideologies. Today, we are faced with the typical case of the blind men and the elephant. Most leaders and their parties might swear by ideologies or principles, but lack the vision and the ability to think beyond immediate and self-centred goals. A disturbing feature of the new ethos is a new political style, which lacks restraint and discipline. Parochial issues are pursued with a passion and sought to be decided by mass demonstrations or mob violence by musclemen and local mafia.
However, Mamata Banerjee acted swiftly after being sworn in as Chief Minister for the third time. She transferred thirty top officials, including DGP P. Nirajnayan, giving a clear warning that violence of any kind would not be tolerated. She also felt that inefficiencies had crept into the administration during the long poll process when the Election Commission held control, and said that violence was being reported from areas where the BJP had won in the Assembly elections. She declared:
“Bengal does not tolerate unrest, nor do I. Starting today, I will tackle the law and order.”
Mamata means business.
Mercifully, things were, by and large, quite orderly in Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Puducherry and Assam.
In Tamil Nadu, the electorate opted for change of guard. The DMK alliance has been voted to power, unseating the AIADMK’s 10 years of rule. The anti-incumbency and strong support for M. K. Stalin, son of former Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi, helped the DMK win.
Apparently, the DMK rode on a popular desire for change and garnered a sizeable vote percentage. The performance of its ally, the Indian National Congress’s performance too has been notable in comparison to the disappointing show of the BJP – AIADMK’s partner. The party seems to have miscalculated in allying with the BJP.
In Kerala, the performance of the Left Democratic Front (LDF) under Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan has been impressive. His resolute leadership and daring political style found support among the people who gave him a second term in office. This has happened after four decades. Vijayan has consolidated his position as CPM supremo while giving a new direction to the state’s evolution as a dynamic entity for tomorrow.
Equally noteworthy is the victory of the BJP and its regional allies in Assam, staving off the challenge of the 10-party Grand Alliance, led by the Congress. The BJP’s development plans and sops for tea plantation workers is said to be a deciding factor in at least 45 of Assam’s 126 Assembly constituencies, apparently overriding regionalism and perceived anti-Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) sentiments.
Looking beyond, what is at stake for electoral success is a vision for tomorrow, a need-based program to fulfil that vision, an infrastructural backup for an appropriate and a well-designed program enlisting public support and participation.
May 7, 2021
SC adheres to the 1992 reservation cap
India’s social complexities are, to a large degree, caste-based and caste-sustained. Practically every segment of society and life revolves around caste, making India a bundle of paradoxes. It is rather disturbing that the caste and sub-caste system should have survived so far in the on-going process of development and modernisation.
Ironically, the Indian caste system is not merely a question of labels. The institution of castes is indirectly enshrined in the Constitution as certain caste-based backward and weaker categories of people have been guaranteed reservation of government jobs and
admission to higher centres of learning.
The principal objective of the reservation policy was simply to adopt a ‘caste’ strategy to end all forms of past discrimination. However, in the process, labels have come to acquire new status symbols of not only economic power, but also electoral and political power. No political party in India today is free from casteism; not even the communist parties.
Our politicians decry caste-based sectarian policies. However, what happens in practice is invariably the opposite of what is pronounced in public. Call this hypocrisy or duplicity, such double standards are part of the Indian political scene.
Viewed in this perspective, the Supreme Court, last month, struck down the provisions of a Maharashtra law providing reservations to the Maratha community that took the total quota in the state above the 50 percent ceiling set by the court in its 1992 Indra Sawhney (Mandal) judgment.
A five-judge Constitution Bench of the apex court, led by Justice Ashok Bhushan, found that there were no “exceptional circumstances” or “extraordinary situation” in Maharashtra that required the state government to break the 50 percent ceiling limit to bestow quota benefits onto the Maratha community. The Supreme Court observed:
“The Marathas are in the mainstream of the national life. It is not even disputed that Marathas are a politically dominant caste.”
In fact, the apex court held that a separate reservation for the Maratha community violated Articles 14 (right to equality) and 21 (due process of law).
The top court, therefore, declined to revisit the Indra Sawhney ruling that had fixed the reservation limit at 50 percent and stated:
“The judgment of Indra Sawhney has stood the test of time and has never been doubted by any judgment of this court.”
The Supreme Court’s ruling has understandably triggered a political firestorm in Maharashtra. Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray has justified the reservation move as a question of the “self-esteem of the Maratha community”. Leader of the opposition party, Devendra Fadnavis has said:
“The state government should have played a proactive role and furnished significant information to substantiate its case.”
Since the issue has political overtones, it would continue to be a live debating matter. In this context, certain quarters have suggested a new study on the backwardness of the Marathas if any.
No thinking person in his right mind would question the rights of underprivileged sections of India’s population to break out of the “morass of sub-human social existence, abject poverty and inhuman economic exploitation by deeply entrenched vested interests”.2
At the same time, there are murmurs of protest against the paradoxical situation which, while pushing up the new class of the Harijan elite, has left the bottom of the pyramid Harijans in the lurch. Apparently, the benefits of planning and development have failed to percolate equitably to the bottom of the social stratification.
It may be recalled that the Rane Commission on Backward Classes, appointed by the state government of Gujarat, made some pertinent recommendations for a solution to the new complexities arising out of lopsided policies, not only in Gujarat, but in other states as well.
First, the Commission felt the system of gauging backwardness solely on the basis of caste should be discarded as it “perpetuates” the evils of the age-old practice.
Second, it suggested that family income and occupation should be the sole criterion for determining social and educational backwardness for the purpose of reservation.
Third, the Commission pointed out that the upper layers in all castes have already benefitted from reservations and must not cling to the crutch to the disadvantage of those who really need a helping hand.
It is a pity that Indian politicians long played petty electoral games in the name of caste and reservation, which have little to do with the welfare of the backward classes. Nothing illustrates the sordid nature of Indian statecraft more than the Mandal Commission report. We are also familiar with the Mandal power card played by former Prime Minister V. P. Singh in 1989. The educated middle class students turned against V. P. Singh and his government. His cold-blooded approach to the reservation issue hastened his inglorious exit from South Block, the seat of power.
True, the caste system in India is a harsh reality. But those who graduate into the minimum standards of economic and social uplift have to make room for the less fortunate brethren. Social justice and equality demand it. The Maratha community issue needs to be viewed in this perspective.
Kaka Kalelkar had rejected the idea of reservations way back in 1953. The Commission headed by him had stated that economic backwardness, and not caste, should be the basis for preferential treatment. This has also been aptly put forth by Sardar Partap Singh Kairon, who was the Chief Minister of Punjab at the time. He said:
“Harijan by income, not by caste.”
Privileges conferred on “groups of people” in the backward category are so many that the entire nation, as B. K. Nehru once remarked, instead of wanting to be regarded as advanced, is beginning to take pride in its backwardness.3
This indeed is a poignant comment on our social and economic values!
May 14, 2021
How the system has failed to manage the Covid-19 crisis
As India grapples with the effects of the second wave of Covid-19, the Principal Scientific Adviser to the Prime Minister, Dr. K. VijayRaghavan, admitted that experts could not anticipate the ferocity of the second wave. About the third wave, he has said:
"Phase 3 is inevitable given the high levels of circulating virus. But it is not clear on what timescale this Phase 3 will occur. Hopefully, incrementally, but we should prepare for new waves.”
Remember King Vikramaditya? He ruled and acted justly. Unless the ruling establishment follows such creed of justice and fair play in conducting affairs of the state, people’s faith in the rulers and their policies cannot be revived or sustained. It is foolhardy to hide the truth or overlook ground realities.
When VijayRaghavan was asked what took “experts” by surprise about the second wave, he said that the lowering of guard gave the virus an opportunity to spread! No wonder, this lowering of guard has led to massive spread in a number of states, including West Bengal, Maharashtra, Delhi and the southern states.
What is particularly worrying is the rapid rural spread. This is likely to disrupt supply chains at the village level. Even the healing touch of MGNREGA4 may not be effective as higher cases of rural spread of Covid-19 may affect work orders. The virus has spread to large swathes of the country’s rural areas. In fact, various analyses suggest that the crisis is more serious than depicted by official records.
To say the least, the overall Covid-19 situation is grim. The current surge in infections reveal multi-dimensional problems. A number of crucial questions, therefore, crop up about the country’s state of healthcare.
What led to the terrible shortage of medical oxygen and vaccines at hospitals and healthcare facilities? The answer can be found in the lopsided planning, delayed procurement, faulty supply chain, and the absence of coordination between the Centre and the states. All this apart, leadership failures at all levels of governance only worsened the situation. The issue of Covid-19 management got aggravated by insufficient and timely government funding.
The state of affairs in hospitals across the country have been rather disquieting. A large number of patients have been seen lying on floors because of the shortage of beds. Several deaths have occurred merely on account of oxygen shortage. Scenes inside a Covid Ward of the Goa Medical College and Hospital illustrate the larger crisis in India’s health system. It speaks volumes of the poor healthcare management in India’s otherwise hip and modern state. What is true of Goa holds good for the rest of the country in varying degrees.
By now we are all to familiar with Prime Minister Modi’s big talks. He says:
“India is not a country that loses courage. Neither India nor any Indian will lose courage. We will fight and win.”
Fine words, Prime Minister Modi! However, he ought to realise that rhetoric is a poor substitute for a solid healthcare system and on-the-ground action.
The Supreme Court has shown better understanding of the crisis than the ruling establishment. The apex court has gone to the extent of setting up a 12-member National Task Force to guide, inter alia, the Central government allocation of medical oxygen to the states. The task force will work with senior officials of NITI Aayog, the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Department of Promotion of Industry and Internal Trade, the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, the Indian Council of Medical Research and the Directorate of General Health Services. The Supreme Court has stated that the task force may constitute more sub-groups on specialised areas or regions to assist in its work and also to consider, if required, seeking the assistance of experts both within and outside government. This is a well thought-out move to face public health challenges.
Accountability for the management of the pandemic must be established objectively. RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat has, spoken against the blame game, and rightly stated that society, the government and the administration had become ineffective after the first wave of Covid-19. The RSS Chief, however, failed to point out the specific issues.
It is clear that the country’s top leaders have failed in their task to act despite getting warning signals from doctors and other experts. Prime Minister Modi ought to have been more alert and agile. It is his job to lead the nation in the right direction in times of crises. By now, we are well aware that Prime Minister Modi loves to thrive on laurels; and generally does not relish critics and criticism. However, it is difficult to understand why the Delhi Police should have arrested daily wagers, printers and auto drivers among the 25 arrested for allegedly putting up posters and banners with comments critical of the Prime Minister with regard to the vaccination drive. It has been reported that those arrested were either jobless youth or daily wage workers. They had no idea about the content or the politics involved.
The quality of governmental functioning depends on enlightened leadership. Today, instead of seeking knowledge and information on the subject, I see more leaders at the helm being self-seekers. They seek personal glory so as to remain in the business of power. My point is straight and simple: a visionary and daredevil leader as a “guidepost” can make all the difference in India’s fight against the pandemic.
Mercifully, the Centre has come out with three-tier response plan for at least 516 districts. The Union Health Ministry has directed states to set up a three-tier rural health infrastructure to manage the epidemic in the hinterland.
We need to look beyond and ensure modern health care infrastructure both in rural and urban India. There is an urgent need to modernise the country’s entire health care system and make it serve people better than what has been the case so far. Would PM Modi rise to the occasion?
May 21, 2021
Of the PM and CMs
The vigour of a federal democracy such as ours depends on the quality of leadership both at the Centre and the States. Over the past five years, several leaders have come to be branded as “self-seekers”, concerned primarily with the pursuit of their own political and personal interests. A number of examples can be cited to prove this point.
Before Independence, and soon thereafter, leaders belonging to different parties were committed to certain ethical standards in their conduct. They were focused on principles and ideals and yet they were deeply rooted in the soil. Pandit Madan Mohan Malviya, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Motilal Nehru, Mahatma Gandhi, Subhash Chandra Bose, Acharya J. B. Kripalani, Jawaharlal Nehru, Vallabhbhai Patel and a host of other eminent leaders were much alive to their public conduct, as was Sarvodaya leader Jayaprakash Narayan.
Over a period of time, the image of self-sacrificing leaders of yesteryears has changed dramatically. Most political leaders have, of late, been seen in their true colours as seekers of power. They are authoritarian in their conduct. In the process, there is an increasing realization among educated citizens that their “gods” have feet of clay.
The most glaring example here is the decline in parliamentary standards and the quality of legislators. The personalised political culture has brought to the forefront a set of larger-than-life leaders who thrive on personal loyalty, sycophancy, and muscle and money power. Today, personal loyalty guides most of the leaders. This has vitiated the political atmosphere.
Recently, West Bengal Chief Minister, Mamata Banerjee took strong exception to Chief Ministers allegedly not being allowed to speak at the virtual meeting of Prime Minister Narendra Modi with District Magistrates (DMs). Following the meeting with 54 DMs from ten states, in the presence of their Chief Ministers, Mamata Banerjee told media persons:
“It was just a casual, super flop meeting. We, the CMs, felt insulted and humiliated.”
Mamata Banerjee said that no Chief Minister was allowed to speak. Only a few DMs from BJP-ruled states were given that privilege and allowed to speak on the Covid-19 situation. The West Bengal Chief Minister said:
“Are we puppets or bonded labour?”
Mamata’s question on this count is an accurate depiction of the state of affairs. During his meeting with the DMs, the Prime Minister talked about the significance of robust data and solid analyses to combat the mutating pathogen. He asked the officials to collect information on the spread of the virus among children and youth. Information-gathering on the complex Covid-19 phenomenon is surely an urgent need. However, the authoritarian route that PM Modi adopted for this purpose is wrong.
Modi’s attitude goes against the very concept of “cooperative federalism” that he had once talked about. The Prime Minister has overlooked the spirit of true federalism. He must not forget that in the spirit of federalism, the states ought to enjoy functional autonomy in political, legislative, economic, fiscal and administrative arenas – without submitting themselves to the indignity of becoming supplicants before the Centre, with a begging bowl.
For that matter, even the Centre-state fiscal arrangement has been politicized. In fact, mounting tension within the federal structure during the on-going BJP-led NDA regime generally originates from the mishandling of federal matters and issues.
Political discretion in this regard has often been used for the wrong reasons and causes. There is considerable misuse of power and authority. Even constitutional provisions have often been exploited shamelessly by the ruling class to achieve their political goals.
No wonder we see the growing tendencies towards centralisation of power and authority in New Delhi. This has given rise to all sorts of complications. Authoritarian attributes are, of course, seen to be present in the Indian system. Looking at the complex nature of the polity, only a sincere attempt at functional decentralisation at all levels of the federal setup can promote smooth functioning of the relations between the Centre and the states. Indeed, without proper decentralisation of fiscal and administrative powers, there can be no freedom from “overlordship”.
Politics may well be the art of manipulation, but constitutional provisions and federal norms are expected to be observed both by the Centre and the states. Else, matters are bound to go out of hand as they often do.
It is no secret that the Centre and Opposition-ruled states have not been on the same page over vaccine issues and oxygen shortages. These maters have created a discord between Chief Ministers and Prime Minister Modi. Hemant Soren, the Chief Minister of Jharkhand, recently made a jibe at Modi after their phone conversation; he said that the PM “only spoke his mind” and added that it would be better if they had “spoken about work”.
Mamata Banerjee has described Modi’s meeting with the CMs and DMs as “one-way humiliation”. The BJP has, of course, accused Ms. Banerjee of “politicising the meeting. This is certainly not so. The Centre and states have to show elementary cooperative spirit to get the desired results in the fight against Covid induced multi-dimensional problems.
In order to achieve the desired goals, what is needed is the spirit of cooperative federalism. Prime Minister Modi has to learn to view things with a wider perspective, and not with narrow political angularities.
May 28, 2021
In memoriam: Dr. Rashpal Malhotra, 1936-2021
The news of Rashpal Malhotra’s demise last month came as a shock. He was a
loveable friend and well-wisher. He made my twenty years of professional association with The Tribune the most memorable period of my career. He also provided a new dimension to my life by exposing me to great personalities and spiritual persons such as Swami Rama and Anand Swami. He was also instrumental in taking me to the Devis of the Kangra Valley, and to other holy places, which helped uplift my inner self. Rashpal was a great institution-builder. The Centre for Research in Rural and Industrial Development (CRRID) is a living memorial to his vibrant years in Chandigarh. Rashpal will be sorely missed by thousands of friends and admirers.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah.
Jaisingh, Hari. Between Dream and Reality: The Indian Paradox. Allied Publishers, 1992.
Jaisingh, Hari. Between Dream and Reality: The Indian Paradox. Allied Publishers, 1992.
Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act.